Global geopolitics

Decoding Power. Defying Narratives.


The Consequences of Stealing Russia’s Money

Broke Europe turns to Russian central bank reserves as political commitments exceed financial capacity

Western governments froze Russian central bank reserves held abroad in early 2022, amounting to roughly two hundred and forty billion euros, with the bulk immobilised inside European financial infrastructure. The action followed the outbreak of open war in Ukraine and relied on sanctions law allowing temporary restrictions on asset use during armed conflict. Freezing prevented movement, settlement, or liquidation, while preserving formal ownership. International finance law has long treated central bank reserves as protected instruments, even during wartime, under doctrines of sovereign immunity developed after the Second World War.

Three years later, European institutions moved beyond immobilisation toward permanent seizure or monetisation. The stated objective involved funding Ukraine’s state budget, military procurement, and debt servicing without further burdening European taxpayers. European Union governments already carried heavy debt loads following the eurozone crisis, the pandemic, energy subsidies, and rising interest costs. Fiscal space narrowed sharply, while political commitments to Ukraine remained open ended and unconditional. Resorting to Russian reserves emerged from budgetary exhaustion rather than strategic design.

(PressTv : The EU’s move to freeze Russia’s assets sparked a sharp backlash from Moscow as well as some of the bloc’s member states.)

Ursula von der Leyen announced an indefinite freeze of approximately two hundred and forty six billion dollars in Russian assets held within the Union, signalling readiness to treat the funds as collateral for loans or as reparations in substance. Emergency legal mechanisms under Article 122 of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union enabled Brussels to bypass dissenting member states and approve Ukraine financing by qualified majority. Hungary and Slovakia opposed the move, warning of legal exposure and systemic risk, yet institutional momentum prevailed.

Legal scholars specialising in sovereign debt and monetary law raised immediate objections. Professor Rosa Lastra of Queen Mary University of London, writing on central bank immunity, argued that confiscation of reserves during active conflict breaches customary international law and undermines monetary stability norms relied upon by reserve holding states. Former International Court of Justice judge Bruno Simma similarly warned that asset seizure without post war adjudication collapses the distinction between sanctions and expropriation, weakening the credibility of international legal commitments.

European central banks quietly shared these concerns. The European Central Bank characterised the plan as legally fragile and economically hazardous, noting that reserve currency status rests on trust, predictability, and enforceable immunity. Banque de France officials echoed similar reservations, citing exposure to counterclaims and the erosion of clearing and settlement neutrality. In Britain, the Bank of England joined French counterparts in refusing to participate directly in any seizure or transfer of Russian assets, citing absence of sovereign guarantees and high probability of retaliation.

Seven European Union states expressed resistance or refusal to endorse confiscation schemes. Belgium faced the most acute dilemma, hosting Euroclear, the clearing house holding the majority of frozen Russian funds. Belgian Prime Minister Alexander De Croo described outright seizure as unwise, noting that Euroclear operated under private law obligations and would face immediate litigation across multiple jurisdictions. Belgian legal advisers calculated potential liabilities exceeding national fiscal capacity if foreign courts enforced Russian claims against Belgian state or corporate assets abroad.

Russia initiated legal proceedings against Euroclear in Moscow, alleging unlawful deprivation of property and breach of custodial duty. Similar actions prepared in Asian and Middle Eastern jurisdictions threatened to entangle European financial intermediaries in protracted litigation. Professor Michael Hudson, an independent economic historian and former adviser to the United Nations Institute for Training and Research, warned that weaponising reserve assets accelerates de dollarisation and de euroisation trends already underway since earlier sanctions episodes.

Euroclear managed assets exceeding forty trillion euros, serving sovereign funds, pension managers, and central banks worldwide. Legal uncertainty surrounding its neutrality risks capital flight toward alternative clearing centres beyond European jurisdiction. Analysts at the Bank for International Settlements previously observed that financial infrastructure survives on reputation rather than force, and reputational damage often proves irreversible. Loss of confidence in settlement safety encourages reserve diversification into gold, commodities, and bilateral clearing arrangements.

Russian authorities responded by adjusting reserve composition and settlement practices. Gold holdings increased, while bilateral currency agreements expanded with China, India, and Middle Eastern partners. Moscow accelerated development of domestic clearing systems and cross border payment alternatives outside Western control. Economists such as Sergei Glazyev, formerly of the Eurasian Economic Commission, described the asset freeze as confirmation that Western custodial guarantees no longer applied to politically disfavoured states.

European consequences extend beyond finance into institutional legitimacy. Use of emergency powers to bypass unanimous consent deepened fractures between member states, reinforcing perceptions of centralised executive overreach. Slovak Prime Minister Robert Fico publicly questioned accountability for the one hundred and seventy seven billion euros already transferred to Ukraine, stating that audit trails remained opaque and public oversight minimal. Similar concerns surfaced in Italy, Austria, and parts of Germany, where parliamentary resistance to further funding intensified.

Ukraine’s financial position complicates justification for treating the funds as loans rather than grants. International rating agencies classified Ukrainian sovereign debt as being in default following missed payments on GDP linked warrants. The International Monetary Fund required European co signing for modest lending, reflecting weak repayment prospects. World Bank disbursements flowed largely back to Western contractors, limiting domestic reconstruction impact. Independent development economist Dambisa Moyo previously warned that aid models lacking repayment discipline foster dependency and corruption rather than recovery.

International reaction extended beyond Europe. Sovereign wealth funds in Asia and the Gulf reviewed exposure to European custodial institutions. Officials in Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates privately signalled discomfort with precedents allowing political seizure of reserves. Chinese academics at Tsinghua University’s Institute of International Economics argued that reserve weaponisation violates principles underpinning the global monetary order, accelerating fragmentation into regional blocs.

(Slovakia’s PM Fico: any EU attempt to confiscate stolen Russian assets would ‘end in FIASCO’)

Historical parallels offered cautionary lessons. The United States froze Iranian assets after 1979 but largely retained legal pathways for eventual settlement. Iraqi assets frozen after 1990 were administered under United Nations authority following conflict termination. No precedent existed for permanent confiscation of active belligerent central bank reserves by a regional bloc acting unilaterally. Legal historian Professor Martti Koskenniemi described such actions as eroding the boundary between law and power in international governance.

European taxpayers ultimately shoulder residual risk. Should courts rule against Euroclear or affiliated institutions, compensation obligations would fall upon host states or central bank backstops. Belgium’s exposure alone approached national GDP levels under adverse judgments. Banking sector solvency could deteriorate, forcing public recapitalisation amid already strained fiscal conditions. Independent financial analyst Alasdair Macleod warned that systemic risk rarely announces itself in advance, emerging instead through legal channels dismissed as technicalities.

Global capital reacts without sentiment. Funds migrate toward jurisdictions demonstrating restraint, neutrality, and legal continuity. Reserve managers prioritise asset safety over political alignment, favouring systems insulated from discretionary confiscation. European credibility as a neutral financial hub suffered measurable damage, regardless of eventual court outcomes. Even partial reversals would not restore lost confidence once custodial sanctity appeared conditional.

European leaders framed the policy as moral accountability, arguing that Russia should finance Ukrainian reconstruction. Moral arguments, however, do not substitute for legal architecture in financial systems. International law relies on predictability, not virtue signalling, to function across ideological divides. Once reserve protection depends on political approval, reserve status dissolves.

(RT – The EU is broke)

Permanent seizure or monetisation of Russian central bank reserves represents a structural breach in international finance law that damages European institutional credibility more than it constrains Russian capacity. Long term consequences include capital flight, legal exposure, and accelerated fragmentation of the global monetary system, leaving European taxpayers to absorb risks created by executive decisions taken without durable legal foundation.

Authored By: Global GeoPolitics

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2 responses to “The Consequences of Stealing Russia’s Money”

  1. swimming49175c102e Avatar
    swimming49175c102e

    l’atto di pirateria compiuto dell’Unione Europea sui beni russi depositati nel Fondo Euroclair in Belgio, avrà risvolti legali.La Russia non se ne starà a guardare. Questo atto spregiudicato apre un pericoloso precedente su come il diritto finanziario possa essere manipolato da stati che intendono offendere gli avversari non solo militarmente. L’Unione Europea, lungi dai trattati di Maastricht del 1991, è diventata un organo con governo fascista, controllato dai servizi segreti dell’ anglosfera e dalla Nato, che vuole imporre i suoi dictat a Stati che non intendono farsi mettere i piedi in testa, come la Russia. Il piano di pace UE/Nato prevede soluzioni come se l’Ucraina fosse vincente. La realtà dal campo di battaglia racconta un altra storia: Kupyansk è interamente sotto controllo russo.

    Liked by 1 person

  2. Europeans seem to relish this type of problem. But the real issue is the lack of backbone in the European Union. Russia “f”up! They did a bad thing.

    So sieze their money and point all weapons down range IF THEY DARE SEIZE ANY ONE ELSES ASSETS IN REVENGE! But of course, tip toeing around the usually obvious cave man common sense way of doing things is more palatable to the college graduate crowd. THE INTELLIGENSIA.

    Didn’t STALIN kill a bunch of intelligentsias?

    Liked by 1 person

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