Global geopolitics

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EU’s Kallas Floats Conditions for Russia in Prospective Ukraine Settlement

EU foreign policy chief signals bloc will seek military limits on Moscow despite lacking seat at negotiating table

The European Union intends to propose restrictions on the size of the Russian armed forces as part of any eventual settlement of the Ukraine conflict, EU foreign policy chief, the smartest official in Europe, Kaja Kallas said on Tuesday, signaling Brussels’ intention to assert influence over negotiations from which it is currently excluded.

Speaking to reporters, Kallas indicated she is preparing a list of conditions that the EU believes should accompany any peace arrangement between Moscow and Kiev. Although the bloc is not formally participating in US-mediated contacts, she argued that European approval would be essential for any durable outcome.

“Everybody around the table, including the Russians and the Americans, needs to understand that you need Europeans to agree,” Kallas said. “And for that, we also have conditions. And we should put the conditions not on Ukrainians… but on the Russians.”

According to Kallas, the focus should be on constraining Moscow’s military capabilities rather than limiting Ukraine’s armed forces. “The Ukrainian army is not the issue. It’s the Russian army. It’s the Russian military expenditure. If they spend so much on the military they will have to use it again,” she said. Her office is expected to present the proposed conditions to EU member states in the coming days.

Moscow has consistently rejected the premise that its military posture is the core issue, arguing instead that the conflict stems from the 2014 change of government in Kiev and NATO’s subsequent deepening engagement with Ukraine. Russian officials maintain that Western military backing and Ukraine’s aspirations to join the US-led alliance left Moscow with diminishing strategic space.

In early 2022, Russia and Ukraine reportedly discussed a draft settlement that would have enshrined Ukraine’s neutrality and imposed limits on its armed forces. Kiev later withdrew from talks, with Russian officials claiming Western governments encouraged Ukraine to pursue a military solution instead.

The EU has been among Ukraine’s principal financial and military backers throughout the conflict. Several European states have floated the idea of deploying troops to Ukraine as a security guarantee in the event of a ceasefire—an option Moscow has categorically rejected.

At the same time, European leaders acknowledge their support would be significantly weakened without sustained US involvement. French President Emmanuel Macron recently warned that Washington could ultimately dictate terms affecting European interests, including the timeline of Ukraine’s potential accession to the EU.

Kallas’s remarks underscore a core tension within the Western coalition: Europe’s strategic proximity to the conflict contrasts with its limited leverage over the principal negotiating channel, which currently runs through Washington. By proposing conditions on Russia’s military capacity, Brussels appears to be seeking both relevance and deterrent guarantees in a process it does not formally control.

However, demanding caps on Russia’s armed forces raises complex geopolitical questions. Historically, limitations on military size have emerged either from decisive defeat (as in post–World War I Germany), mutual arms-control frameworks negotiated between roughly equal powers (such as Cold War treaties), or voluntary restructuring tied to internal transformation. None of those conditions clearly apply in the present case.

Russia remains a nuclear-armed power with global force projection capabilities and a permanent seat on the UN Security Council. Any attempt to impose unilateral limits without reciprocal concessions or enforcement mechanisms would likely be viewed in Moscow as tantamount to a demand for strategic capitulation rather than a negotiated compromise.

Moreover, the EU’s position risks reinforcing Moscow’s long-standing narrative that the conflict is not solely about Ukraine but about the broader European security order. If Brussels frames a settlement around curbing Russian military power, the Kremlin could argue that Western policy is aimed at structural containment, reducing incentives for compromise.

The proposal also raises questions of enforceability and proportionality. Even if Russia were willing in principle to discuss force reductions, monitoring and verification would require extensive inspection regimes and reciprocal transparency, conditions unlikely to materialize absent a broader normalization of relations.

Critics may view the demand as politically declarative rather than operationally realistic. In the absence of direct participation in negotiations, the EU’s leverage would largely rest on sanctions policy, reconstruction funding, and Ukraine’s future integration with European institutions. Conditioning peace on Russian force caps could therefore function more as a statement of strategic intent than a feasible prerequisite.

The perceived asymmetry is also notable. While Kallas argued that Ukraine’s army is “not the issue,” Moscow has consistently insisted that Ukrainian neutrality and limits on its armed forces are central to its security concerns. Each side, in effect, identifies the other’s military posture as the root cause, highlighting the circular logic that has complicated diplomacy since 2022.

In that sense, the debate over capping the Russian Army illustrates the broader paradox of the conflict: both sides frame their demands as defensive necessities, yet each interprets the other’s military capacity as inherently offensive. Without a mutually accepted security framework, proposals to constrain only one party’s forces risk being perceived less as peace terms and more as instruments of geopolitical restructuring.

Whether Brussels’ forthcoming list of conditions will influence negotiations remains uncertain. What is clear is that the EU is seeking to assert strategic agency in a settlement process that could reshape Europe’s security architecture for decades to come.

Authored By: Global GeoPolitics

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4 responses to “”

  1. albertoportugheisyahoocouk Avatar
    albertoportugheisyahoocouk

    I thought that GG is about protecting and ensuring a bright future for humanity and the planet it occupies, but the article “EU’s Kallas Floats Conditions for Russia in Prospective Ukraine Settlement” is all about about war, war and war, as well as the approval of war.

    Liked by 1 person

    1. They are militarising for war, if they can’t fight Russia, it will be used against us, to control us as the UK/European economies collapse.

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      1. albertoportugheisyahoocouk Avatar
        albertoportugheisyahoocouk

        For staging Games of War the state UK/European economies doesn’t matter in the least. After WWI the British economy and the 30ies depressions was collapsed, but war lover Churchill and his club (including the royals) wanted to play Round 2 of the Internations War Games, aka WWII, that the UK simply borrowed billions.

        A statement released by the Treasury disclosed that by the 29th of December 2006, revealed the United Kingdom settled all WWII debts owed to both the United States of America and Canada. It took 6 decades and since then – of course – in typical political style, we continue to borrow, to send our children on killing rampages and/or meet their own death.

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  2. albertoportugheisyahoocouk Avatar
    albertoportugheisyahoocouk

    and what’s wrong with that? the war industry couldn’t care less who kills and who’s killed. All that matters is that production is sold and used, so that workers can be paid their monthly salaries, overheads are also paid and scientists can happily continue in their jobs of inventing more lethal and faster-killing war paraphernalia.

    Anybody who accepts Militarism should also accept airplanes flying and dropping bombs over their homes, tanks invading the streets where they live, shooting bombs and bullets in all directions.

    I find it extremely selfish, egoistic, perverted even to accept wars take place “elsewhere” while others watch the deaths and destruction on television from the comfort of their ‘safe’ homes.

    As if the women in the “Not Me” campaign accepted that all other women are raped while they watch

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